Tense Neck, Hard To Swallow

Death of Louis XVI or the crime against the Nation Sovereignty Royal, by Joseph de Maistre

" One of the greatest crimes that can be committed, is probably the attack against the sovereignty , no one had the most terrible consequences. If sovereignty resides in the head, and that the head falls victim to the attack, crime increases atrocity. But if this Sovereign has deserved his fate with any crime even if its virtues are armed against him the hand of the guilty, the crime has no name. To these traits we recognize the death of Louis XVI, but it is important to note is that never a greater crime had more accomplices . The death of Charles I in was much less, and yet it was possible to blame him than Louis XVI does not deserve. But he gave evidence of the interest the most tender and most courageous executioner himself, who was merely obeying, did not dare make themselves known. In France, Louis XVI went to death in the midst of 60,000 armed men, who did not have a shot to Santerre: not a voice was raised for the unfortunate monarch, and the provinces were as silent as the capital . One would statement, they said. French! if you find this good reason, do not talk so much for your courage, or agree that you use it badly.

The indifference of the army was no less remarkable. It served as the executioners of Louis XVI much better than she had served himself, because she had betrayed him. We do not live from him the slightest evidence of discontent. Finally, never a greater crime n'appartint (to the truth with a multitude of gradations) to a greater number of perpetrators.

must still make an important observation is that any attack against the sovereignty, on behalf of the nation is always more or less a national crime, for it is always more or less the fault of the nation, if any number of rebels was enabled to commit the crime on his behalf. Thus, all the French probably do not want death of Louis XVI, but the vast majority of people have wanted for more than two years, all follies, all the injustices, all the attacks that brought the disaster of 21 January.

Now, all crimes against national sovereignty are punished without delay and in a terrible manner, it is a law that has never suffered an exception. A few days after the execution of Louis XVI, someone wrote in the Mercury Universal : Maybe he would not take getting there, but because our legislators have taken the event to their responsibility, Rallions us about them: extinguish all the hatred, and no more about it. Very well: he had had perhaps not to assassinate the king, but since the thing is done, say no more, and are all good friends. O madness! Shakespeare knew a little more when he said: The life of every individual is precious to him, but whose life depends on so many lives, that of the sovereign, is valuable for all. A crime is it disappearing royal majesty? In her place, forms a chasm terrible, and everything that surrounds it rushes . Every drop of blood of Louis XVI torrents cost to France and four million French, perhaps, paying from their head the great crime of domestic insurrection anti-religious and anti-social, crowned by a regicide.

[...] There were nations condemned to death literally as guilty individuals, and we know why. If entered into the designs of God to reveal his plans in respect of the French Revolution, we would read the punishment of the French decision as a parliament. - But what would we know more? This punishment is it not obvious? Have we not seen France dishonored by more than one hundred thousand murders? the whole soil of this beautiful kingdom covered scaffolds? and this unhappy land watered with the blood of its children by judicial killings, while inhuman tyrants lavished on the outside to support a cruel war, supported in their own interest? Never the most bloodthirsty despot did played the lives of men with such insolence, and passive people never failed to appear at the butcher with more complacency. Iron and fire, cold and hunger, deprivation, suffering of all kinds, nothing disgusts her ordeal, whatever is dedicated to fulfill his fate, we will not see the point of disobedience, until that the trial is completed. [Etc.]. "

Joseph de Maistre, Considerations on France (1796) in Works

Denisse Milani Toples

The ultra-royalists or ultras

ultra The word is often used pejoratively to describe someone for excessive, especially in our case, this is the abbreviation the word ultra royalist, still used today to define in derision or demonize rather inexpensively royalists, mainly Legitimists, which would have remained too traditional in relation to social criteria, moral and political issues of our time, or just over to criteria bonaparto Orleans and / or liberals. An ultra is from this point sight of the ultimate revolutionary-cons, who rejects all principles of the Revolution of 1793 but also 1789 and therefore would project a radical return to the social and political structures of the Ancien Regime.

The attempt to analyze the Ultracism written by Benoît Yvert (about the episode of "House Not Found") that I propose below is some merit to break stereotypes by showing a except that the trend is highly divided and a portion sincerely supports the Charter of 1814 and the constitutional or parliamentary, secondly that its motives are sometimes different from those pursued by Legitimists traditional today. There is for example a certain number of ultras, known conservatives in the text, are especially anxious to recover a cons-power of the nobility, through the parliament surprisingly, against absolute royal sovereignty of the ancien regime, Hawking to to the myth of political rights of the nobility in the Middle Ages, which never existed as a cyclical and temporary result of the decomposition of Carolingian royal power. The traditional Legitimists

today, those of the Union of Circles Legitimists of France in particular, can not therefore be described as extremists, despite some obvious similarities, they does not support the parliamentary perspective, or half-hearted liberal extremists moderates nor the nobility of ultra conservative reaction, nor the artificial replenishment of the company three levels: the absolute royal sovereignty and independence they demand the restoration the person of Louis XX, in view of the common good. In my case, a term like Legitimist absolutist suit me perfectly.

***

"Not having found its definitive historian, the ultra-royalist remains to be studied with precision, both sociologically as politiquement. A défaut d'une synthèse satisfaisante, on peut cependant tenter d'en esquisser une définition.

Fruit des Cent-Jours, l'ultracisme de la majorité de la Chambre introuvable repose sur quelques convictions solides. Contre-révolutionnaire avant tout, l'ultra ressent à un degré variable la nostalgie d'une société hiérarchisée fondée sur la religion catholique et la juste séparation des individus en plusieurs ordres, le premier étant naturellement la noblesse dont la supériorité héréditaire est justifiée par l'expérience, antidote des passions égalitaires qui mènent toute société à l'anarchie. La Révolution française, sadly experienced by most members in their youth, is primarily attributed to the undermining of the Enlightenment who, they say, dangerously contrary to human society, deserves to heredity, equal to property and reason to religion. To succeed, the Counter-Revolution must therefore both chase the men but also ideas. To indoctrinate the souls must promote spiritual rebirth and the clergy by restoring its heritage and promoting its grip on education, and create a new literature, "expression of society" according Bonald budding romance with the symbol will finally get to the nobility a lost social rule by centralization.

This joint program cache, however, a deep fissure between what we define as "ultra conservative" and "ultras movement" to borrow a classic typology. The opposition comes from the interpretation of the French Revolution. For the ultra-conservative, the French Revolution was the result of a cyclical conspiracy, variously attributed to the Freemasons, the Duke of Orleans or the bourgeoisie as a whole, and therefore does not reflect a profound crisis of society. Nurtured by the writings of the theocrats, Joseph Maistre and Louis de Bonald, the ultra-conservative interpretation especially the Revolution as a divine punishment intended by the Creator to punish France and libertine liberal Enlightenment. Restoration is an opportunity for an expiation necessary but feasible because the man had no part in the Revolution, just a deeply religious and conservative politics to bring the country back on track. This ultra-there is not, however, as has too often written, a spiritual son of absolutism. The idea of punishment does not spare the royal power, guilty of having violated the fundamental laws of the kingdom by reducing its nobility Slavery and alienating the honorary spiritual magisterium of its clergy by Gallicanism authoritarian. The solution of the French crisis is therefore for them in a return to monarchy tempered medieval nobility and clergy in which each played a role of spiritual power-cons and effective policy. Heir to the rebellious, the ultra conservative about to defy the royal authority, whose charter is to realize a balance, by storming the company by the only power, MPs, in which he has the majority. As for the House of Lords, false showcase of the aristocracy as a whole populous of former revolutionaries and Bonaparte, it is supremely despised.

To govern by the House, we must necessarily accept the Charter, "one point, according Villele, which can rally all the French, and the only leverage that we can now replace the royal power." As noted with his usual accuracy Madame de Stael, the ultras are within the Charter as the Greeks in the Trojan to claim, as constituents, holders of sovereignty that they will oppose of a king they hate most from emigration. So will they soon call loudly for their benefit the introduction of initiate legislation and the political responsibility of ministers. This trend, which groups the vast majority of Ultracism, is divided between impatient advocates of a cons-fast and brutal revolution headed by the member Labourdonnaye and pragmatic, united behind Villele and Corbiere, who intend to conduct a more prudent, especially in the opposition against the Crown. The election of a House ardently royalist discredit liberals and Bonapartist during the Hundred Days give these "Royalists" as they call themselves, hope to emulate their enemies generation Previous by tabula rasa recent past. "It was, writes in his memoirs Villele, seize the animosity that the tyranny of Bonaparte had risen against him, both in France and abroad, and enjoy his attempt and his fall to a mortal blow to the ideas of the Revolution which he represented, he was buried in the same defeat at Waterloo the turbulent genius of perpetual war and revolutionary theories disappointing. "

For the ultra movement, which Chateaubriand and Joseph publicist Fievee are the brightest representatives of the French Revolution is instead considered as a crisis in depth, largely justified, that swept back hopeless society of the ancien regime. It showed a double suction liberal egalitarian should be dissociated. Their analysis, close to the Liberals on this point, distinguishes between the aspirations of the constituents and their respectable overflow by the despotism of the multitude during the Terror. The revolution had resulted in the arbitrary imperial, liberal values are from 1789, according to them, always rooted in the heart of the French. Turning the rhetoric of the Enlightenment, as he has done in the Engineering Christianity Chateaubriand wants to transform the monarchy restored shield freedoms, mainly the freedom of the press, designed as a power-cons in their own right, while conservatives see it as Bonald an instrument of perversion of the masses it must closely monitor . "Point of representative government without freedom of the press, replied Rene. Here's why: The government representative clarified by public opinion, and based on it. The Chamber may not know this view, if this view has point of organs. " Convinced that irresponsibility is the best shield royal throne, the ultras movement activists, them sincerely for the evolution of the system to a parliamentary monarchy in which, and this is where they are in opposition to the Left, the nobility and clergy gather in their natural superiority a primary role in conducting business.

Thus there exists from the beginning a deep caesura between cyclical and sincere supporters of representative government in the ultra party, which explains the great embarrassment of the Liberals to make judgments consistent on a House that has the strange paradox of defending the rule of parliamentary power and freedom of expression on behalf of the Counter-Revolution. [...]"


Emmanuel Waresquiel and Benoît Yvert, History of Restoration - 1814-1830 (2002 in the collection Tempus) - The quoted passage is written by Benoît Yvert

Dark Hardwood Floors Sofa

Roland Roncesvalles return

Alexandre Dumas tells us in this short story another tradition on the death of Roland, far from Roncesvalles.

"The Pilgrimage Rolandseck or ruins of Roland is a need for tender souls who inhabit not only the two shores of the Rhine from Schaffhausen to Rotterdam, but still fifty leagues inland. If we may believe the tradition, this was Roland, up the Rhine to answer the call from his uncle, ready to go to fight the Saracens of Spain, was received by the old Count Raymond. The latter, hearing the name of the illustrious paladin he had the honor to receive from him, wished he was served at table by her daughter, the beautiful Hildegonde. It mattered little to Roland by which it would be used as long as dinner was hearty and the wine was good. So he held out his glass when a door opened and a beautiful young girl came in a goblet in his hand, and advanced towards the knight. But midway, eyes of Hildegonde and Roland met, and, strange to say Both began to tremble so that half the wine fell on the pavement, as the fault of the guest by that of the butler.

Roland had to leave the next day, but the old Count Raymond insisted that he should pass eight days at the castle. Roland felt that his duty was in Ingelheim, but Hildegonde raised her beautiful eyes, and he remained.

After these eight days the two lovers had not spoken of their love, and yet, on the evening of the eighth day, Roland took her hand and led Hildegonde in the chapel. Arrived at the altar they both knelt in one movement. Roland said: "I will never be another woman qu'Hildegonde." Hildegonde added: "My God! Receive the oath I swear to you if I am to him."

Roland departed. A year passed. Roland did wonders, and the sound of his prowess sounds from the Pyrenees to the Rhine and then suddenly they heard vague talk of a great defeat, and the name was pronounced Roncesvalles.

One night a knight came to ask for hospitality at the castle of Count Raymond and he came to Spain where he had followed the emperor. Hildegonde ventured to pronounce the name of Roland, and Then the knight told how, in Roncesvalles, surrounded by Saracens, and finding himself alone against a hundred, he had sounded his horn to call the emperor to his aid, and that with such force that, although was more than a mile and a half, the emperor had intended to return, but Ganelon had prevented, and the sound of the horn had gone dying because it was the last effort of the hero. Then he saw him, that his good sword Durandal point should fall into the hands of the infidels, to try to break the rocks, but used to melt steel, Durandal was split granite, and he had to Roland enfonçât the blade in a crevice, and brisât by pressing it. Then, covered with wounds, he fell next to sections of his sword, muttering the name of a woman named Hildegonde.

The daughter of Count Raymond did not shed a tear and uttered no cry, only she rose, pale as death, and approaching the Count:

- My father, "she said, you know what Roland had promised, and what, for my part, I promised to Roland. Tomorrow, with your permission, I will come to the convent of Nonenwerth.

The father looked at the girl, shaking her head sadly as he said to himself: Roland was he at all? and me, was I anything? Then, remembering that he was a Christian before being father

- The will of God be done in any thing! he replied. And the next day

Hildegonde entered the convent. Then, as she was eager to take the veil because he felt that it would be more separated from the mainland, the more it would be closer to Roland, she got the diocesan bishop, who was his uncle, the time of trial was reduced to three months for her, and after three months she took her vows.

Eight days had not elapsed Knight asks that the hospitality at the castle of Count Raymond. Count down to meet him, the knight stops and looks at him with surprise because the last three months he had separated from her daughter, the count had grown more than ten years. Then the knight raises his visor of his helmet.

- My father, he said, I kept my word. Hildegonde me she kept hers?

The old man uttered a cry of pain. This knight was Roland. The injuries he received were deep, but they were not fatal. After a long convalescence, he had set off to rejoin his fiancée.
The old man leaned
on Roland's shoulder, and then, remembering his courage, he led him, without answering a single word in the chapel, and there, beckoning him to kneel down and knelt beside him :

- Pray, "he said.

- Is she dead? murmured Roland.

- She died for you and for the world! Had she not promised to be only you or God? She took her oath.

The next morning, Roland went on foot, leaving his horse and weapons in the castle of the old count, he plunged into the mountain, and towards evening he reached the summit of a peak overlooking the river, when he lives his feet at the end of the island green, the convent of Nonenwerth. At this time, the nuns sang the hello, and amidst all those holy voices rose to heaven, there was a voice that came straight to his heart.

Roland spent the night lying on the rock the next morning at daybreak, the nuns sang matins, and he heard again the voice that was vibrating every fiber of his soul. So he resolved to build a chapel at the top of this mountain, so as not to get away at least that he loved. He began to work.

About eleven o'clock, the nuns went out and spread throughout the island, but One of them walked away from her companions and sat down under a willow at the water's edge. She was veiled and she wore the same costume as the other sisters, yet Roland had not doubted for a moment that it was Hildegonde.

For two years, night and morning, Roland heard religious voices in the middle of that voice which was so dear for two years, every day, at the same time, the same solitary nun sat at the same place though every day she came more slowly. Finally, one evening, his voice failed. The next morning the vote failed again. Eleven o'clock came, and Roland waited in vain. The nuns spread, as usual, in the garden, but none of them came and sat under the willow at the water's edge. About four hours, four nuns dug, taking turns, a pit at the foot of the willow, and when the pit was dug, Roland again heard the songs that the sweetest and most beautiful voice was still missing, and the entire community came out , escorting the coffin in which lay a virgin forehead crowned with flowers and a pale face and short.

was the first time in two years qu'Hildegonde lifted her veil.

Three days later, a shepherd who had lost his goat climbed to the top of the mountain, and found Roland sat back against the wall of his hermitage, and head on his chest. He was dead. "


Alexandre Dumas, Roland , back from Roncesvalles in Tales for adults and children and other stories

See also: Death of Roland to Roncesvalles